|
Source: http://www.indie-indonesie.nl/content/documents/papers-urban%20history/pratiwo.pdf. The 1st International Urban Conference, Surabaya, [....] 2004 The City Planning of Semarang 1900-1970. by Pratiwo (1)
Abstrak [Abstract] Sejarah perencanaan kota di Indonesia
sudah dimulai sejak beberapa abad yang lalumulai dari perencanaan ibukota
kerajaan hindu Majapahit sampai dengan kesultanan Yogyakarta. Diluar perencanaan
kota secara tradisional yang didasari padakepercayaan kosmologis, Belanda
juga merencanakan kota-kota pantai utara jawasebagai kota pertahanan dari
serangan bangsa Eropa lain. Bahkan Daendels secara ekstrem merencanakan
pertahanan seluruh pulau jawa dengan menghubungkan kota-kota penting melalui
jalan post yang sangat terkenal. Tetapi, perencanaan kota secaramodern
dimulai pada awal abad 20 mengikuti pola perencanaan kota-kota di Eropa.
Salah satu kota yang menjadi eksperimen perencanaan kota modern yakni kotaSemarang.
Sejarah Perencanaan kota Semarang kurun waktu 1900 – 1970 merupakan bagian
penting sejarah perencanaan kota Indonesia yang sangat menarik untuk dibahas
bila dihubungkan dengan sejarah sosial yang terjadi di saat itu. Kurun
waktu tujuh puluh tahun tadi perlu disoroti dalam empat periode yakni periode
awal dari tahun 1900-1942 dan kemudian diamati pada tahun 1942-1945, tahap
1945-1965 dan diakhiri dengan membahas tahapan pada periode 1965-1970 yang
sebetulnya merupakan periode awal orde baru yang tidak akan tuntas untuk
dibahas. Dari periodisasi ini tulisan ini akan menyoroti lahirnya perencanaan
kota modern yang diawali dengan proses desentralisasi ditahun 1906 yang
mana setiap kota semarang mendapat kebebasan untuk menyusun anggaran belanjanya
serta mencari dana bagi pengembangan kotanya tanpa persetujuan dari pemerintah
pusat di Jakarta. Pada periode awal perencanaan modern kota semarang, untuk
pengembangan kearah selatan, pihak pemerintah kota mengadakan pameran pembangunan
yang sangat terkenal dengan nama koloniale tentoonsteling. Perencanaan
pengembangan kota kearah selatan ini baru bisa direalisasi setelah datangnya
Thomas kartsten 1916 yang meninggalkan pola pembagian masyarakat menurut
etnis menjadi kelas ekonomi. Pada periode 1945-1965, akan disoroti proses
urbanisasi yang terjadi dikota denganberkembangnya perkampungan dan masuknya
masyarakat perdesaan ke Semarang.Pada periode ini akan diulas peran Bung
Karno dalam pengembangan kota semarangbagian tengah dengan dibangunnya
simpang lima. Bagaimanakah implementasiperencanaan kota pada era pasca
Kolonial?.Periode terakhir yang akan dibahas adalah periode 1965-1970.
Jatuhnya Bungkarno dan naiknya Soeharto adalah pudarnya sosialisme. Pada
periode ini akan dibahas bagaimana modal menguasai kota dan perencanaan
kota yang dikendalikan oleh pemilik modal. Tentu saja akan diulas mengenai
perencanaan perumahan Tanah Mas dan penghancuran berbagai bangunan kuna
di kota Semarang.
1 Pratiwo was trained as an architect
and urban planner in Gadjah Mada University (Ir), KatholiekeUniversiteit
Leuven ( M. Arch.), and RWTH Aachen University / Technische Hochschule
Aachen (Dr.-Ing.). He was formerly a lecturer at private universities in
Semarang and Jakarta. Since 2002, he has stopped teaching. Now he is practicing
urban planning and design, and writing on several topics of architecture
and urban design as a free researcher.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prelude The history of city planning in Indonesia began centuries
ago with the layout of Trowulan, the capital city of Majapahit, and the
capital cities of the sultanates in Java. Although there was no drawing,
these capitals were planned by the sultan according to the [prevalent]
cosmology and military strategy. Yogyakarta as the capital of Mataram was
planned by Sultan Hamengku Buwana I with a palace, an alun-alun and flanked
by two rivers: Code River and Winongo River. The location that was previously
a forest called Mentaok was strategic in terms of military defense. In
addition to the two rivers in the East and the west protecting the city
from intruders coming from this directions, there was the South Sea in
the South that could not be sailed and where no ship could land, as the
waves hitting the beach were too forceful. In the North there was Mt. Merapi
as a wall that was protecting the city from the north. As a protection
against the lava of Mt. Merapi, there were two important hills that would
keep the lava from pouring into the city. The topography of the city was
declining towards the south and the drainage was therefore easily accomplished
so that there would be no flood in the city. The idea behind the planning
of Yogyakarta is apparent: in addition to putting emphasis on the
strategic location that was to give protectionagainst the enemy, the plan
was also designed according to the [dominant] cosmology; hence the axis
of the city is North-South, referring to Mt. Merapi in the North
and the South sea where Nyai Loro Kidul (the queen of the South Sea) lived.
Outside the scope of this unique traditional city planning centered in
the political domain and based on the cosmological belief of the period,
the Dutch who occupied Indonesia for three and a half centuries, also planned
cities along the northern coast of Java, putting much emphasis on defence
against enemies who might attack from the sea. At that time, the Dutch
had to defend the island against other Europeans who had the same interest
to occupy the island. Since the 16th century, there exist fortresses built
by the Dutch and the Portuguese. These fortresses were like small towns,
and they generated economic activities. Of course many of the fortresses
were built near an existing settlement and a native authority. But, there
were also fortresses built far away from a settlement and they became a
magnet of growth of a new city. The Portuguese fortress at the Muria Peninsula,
for instance, was far away from any native authorities. The failure of
the Portuguese to protect the area had the usual consequence; it left the
fortress in ruin. Based on the idea to defend the island, Daendels at the
beginning on 19th century connected all the cities along the northern coast
of Central and East Java with the great mail road that could serve to quickly
mobilize troops and deploy them where needed within a short time. This
governor general’s great mail road had a considerable influence on urban
growth which earlier on observed a North-South orientation according to
the main direction of rivers; after the construction of the great mail
road the morphology of the cities it served changed, assuming an East-West
direction. This great mail road was soon followed by development of the
railway at the end of the 19th century and the opening of roads in the
interior. Modern city planning in Indonesia and especially in Java began
not earlier than the beginning of 20th century, following the pattern of
European cities. One of the city planning experiments was the city of Semarang,
with the urban extension to the South taking possession of the hilly area
that was a vast Chinese cemetery. The history of the city planning of Semarang
1900 – 1970 is related closely to the social history that occurred in the
same period. Every planning decision was based on the social condition
of the city both in the city center where the Dutch quarter was located,
and the urban kampong where the Chinese and the indigenous Javanese lived.
City planning was hence tantamount to the future layout of the social structure
of the city where the living space of people of different classes was controlled.
The seventy years of urban planning highlighted here can be divided into
four periods, immediately preceded by the pre-1900
period, a period that helps us to see the historic background of
planning in modern days. As an introduction,
the
discussion of this period involves a review of urban development
in Semarang of that era and the causes of its development. Of course this
presents us with the task of considering its socio-economic conditions.
The second period is 1900-1942,
a colonial period leading up to before the Second World War and the Japanese
occupation. This is an important period in terms of the urban history of
Semarang. In this period, Dutch architects presented their idea to organize
the development of Semarang. The third period
is 1942-1945, that is
to say, the time of the Japanese occupation of Indonesia. The fourth
period is 1945 – 1965, the period beginning
with independence day and a time when the country was lead by socialist
leaders. The fifth period is 1965-1970,
the period when Sukarno had been toppled and Soeharto was controlling the
country. The post-1970 period is to wrap up the whole paper.
A. Semarang, a city of contrasts Semarang, a city of contrasts, was a classical city where
the Dutch built their buildings in classical style.The center of the City
is the Kota lama where a church in classical style is located. People call
the church Gereja Blenduk. The total area of Semarang comprises 37,400
ha; 34.80 % of the area consist of lowland and the rest is a hilly and
rural area.(2) The main part of the city is
situated in the lowland (0 - 3.49 m above sea level). It spreads
between five kilometers of coastline and five kilometers of inland hill
country. Although the climate is that of the wet tropics, the city is not
equipped with sufficient drainage. Hence, it always suffers a big flood
after the rain. Its average temperature is 27.5°C, but sometimes in
a dog day afternoon it can reach 37°C. Semarang is situated 300 kilometers
east of the Indonesian Capital, Jakarta, and 100 Kilometres north of the
Javanese cultural center Yogyakarta. Semarang is at the crossroads between
the East-West regional road connecting Jakarta and Surabaya and the road
to Yogyakarta in the South.There are wide boulevards and streets skirted
by luxurious high-rise buildings, beautiful villas, modern shops and shopping
centres. Behind them are muddy alleys, slum areas and dirty canals. Luxurious
cars, huge city buses, trucks, share the street with pedicabs and bicycles.
The high-ranking Javanese civil servants live in villas with a large front
yard. Wealthy Chinese live in an expensive estate. This is a contrast to
those who live on river banks and can be dragged away by the city authority
at any time. The majority of the people, of Javanese, Chinese and Arab
descent in the main part of the city, live in crowded houses with inadequate
drainage and water supply. The poorest of them spend the night under the
eaves
of
public buildings, at the market, the bus terminal or in small huts on the
river bank.(3)
The three main streets
of the city form a golden triangle for the commercial area. Bojong (Street),
formerly called Bojongscheweg, extending from the Southwest to the Northeast,
is the most luxurious street. There are governmental buildings in the south-western
part that compose a civic center and there are large shops and shopping
centers in the north-eastern part. At the north-eastern end of this street
there is the Regional market of Central Java. North of this market is the
former Dutch quarters that used to be the center of the city. Nowadays
this quarters is in decline and a few of the buildings are used as offices
(fig. 4.10). Second is Randoe Sari (Street) - Pieter Sythoff Laan - Hoogenraads
Laan, which is now called Pandanaran Street and Jendral Achmad Yani Street.
These configure two sections of the street. They lead are from the
West of the city to the East, traversing two squares. The first square
at
the intersection of Bojongscheweg functions as a civic
center. At this square, one can find military headquarters, the Governor's
palace,(4) the Cathedral and a market. The
second and larger square named Simpang Lima is located one kilometer east
of the first square. Simpang Lima is the most attractive place in Semarang
and it is now the new city center. Along these streets we note a rapid
change from Dutch-colonial style villas -- they were Dutch houses before
the Second World War -- to offices, hotels, luxurious supermarkets (fig.
4.10). Third is Pandean (Street) - Ambengan (Street) - Karang Toeri (Street)
- Karang Sari (Street); it stretches from the North to the South and it
is called Mataram street (Fig. 4.10). Along these straight streets -- which
are lined by properties owned and occupied for the most part by the
Chinese -- there are shop-houses on narrow plots. The old Chinese quarter
of Semarang, called Pecinan, is located inside the triangle,
south of the Regional market. The density of the area is 247 persons/ha
(DPU 1990: II-21), earlier on it might have been 1000 persons/ ha (Tilema,
1913). Behind Mataram street there is a densely populated urban kampong
where various ethnic groups live. Entering the Semarang Pecinan, one can
hardly find a piece of open land because it every plot is already used
either for temples or houses. Here, the open, public space is not a large
boulevard with trees on both sides or a wide plaza. Public space in this
quarter was not designed but emerged spontaneously as a result of settlement
development. Hence, the treeless and dusty streets, the congested area,
the lack of sewerage and lack of open space are the characteristic features
of Pecinan in Semarang.(5) Apart from the
railway station in the North, Semarang has a Central Bus station in the
East which is the biggest one in Central Java and has route connections
to all cities on the island. In addition, its International harbor is the
third largest harbor of the island. In the Western suburb, there is also
an airport. It is not a large one, but it has played an important role
for the development of Semarang. The city is surrounded by industrial areas.
Every day a large number of people commute from the hinterland to Semarang
and we find rapid urban development in the rural areas. In contrast to
the glamorous life in Simpang Lima or on the main streets of the city,
there exists considerable poverty inside the urban kampong located between
these main streets. Every open bit of land in the city center has been
used for commercial purpose. While poor people illegally occupy open land
anywhere in the city, the government razes illegal buildings, particularly
those which are said to be prostitution areas.
The city bears the stamp of a stark contrast between the rich and
the poor, the glamorous life and the dark life.
B. Between Military City and Trading City The Sultan of Mataram handed Semarang to the VOC in 1678.
Soon after that, the VOC established its fortress as a substitute of the
old fortress in Jepara, which was thought of as not "strategic" anymore.
Semarang gave new hope to the VOC’s trade in Southeast Asia.
(5) Anthony Reid gave a good description
of the characteristic of Pecinan: "(....) The treeless, congested
quarters that the Chinese built of stone or brick beside the Southeast
Asian market centers were stuffy expose to the sun and unhealthy (....)".
Building on the low-lying ground, they suffered from problems of flooding
and of drainage as well as the unsolved question of waste disposal from
which the typical elevated pole house of maritime Southeast Asia was immune.
(REID, in Journal of Southeast Asia Studies XI. 2. 1980: 241). The Chinese
quarter in Semarang is different from a town quarter in China where the
open space in a city was designed to have a symbolic meaning, it was both
axial and had the function of orientation.
The fortress can be seen on the map of 1695 that is included
in Van Bemellen’s book on the geologic condition of Indonesia. Then, the
city of Semarang was still a small settlement with a palace of an indigenous
Javanese prince, a Chinese settlement and a Dutch fortress. This settlement
was united by a market where different ethnic groups met to trade. The
location of the market was on the eastern bank of Semarang River, as was
the settlement. Adjacent to the VOC fortress, there was the regent's palace
and his alun-alun. As the city had been handed over to the VOC, the regent
was placed under the authority of the VOC and he was promoted by the Dutch.
There were roads connecting the city to the nearby villages in the West
and the East. But otherwise, Semarang was a city that could only be reached
from the sea. She became a trading place of herbs and crops by the Java
Sea. At this early date, Semarang was a stagnant city that did not develop.
In 1719 there occurred a small development in the Eastern part surrounding
the fortress. The coastal line moved to the North as there was sedimentation
brought by Semarang River. To the West there was no development; the land
still consisted of rice fields and there were several small villages (fig
4). Until 1900, Semarang has never been planned. It was an open city centered
in the old city where there was a Dutch quarter, Chinese quarter, and Kauman.
Traditionally, places in Semarang were referred to by Javanese names chosen
either according to the activities that took place there, or that were
derived from the names of trees lining the street. In the case of a place
like Jurnatan, the name was derived from the man who live there and his
profession; he was an assistance of the King in Demak. The assistant was
called Jurunata; hence the place was called Jurnatan. The northern part
of Gajah Mada Street until now is still called Duwet. On the old map of
1847, the street was ending at Kali Semarang. Along this street there were
(and still are) many duwet trees. The long Java War from 1825 till 1830
that cost so much, depleting the government’s budget, affected Semarang
and left behind an economy in decline. In order to launch a recovery from
this immense economic problem, at the end of the war, the Dutch government
launched the Cultuur Stelsel (or Cultivation system), a system of heavy-handedly
enforced cultivation of export crops. The native farmers were forced to
plant export crops prescribed by the government on one fifth of their fields
or else work for 66 days in a governmental firm. This system oppressed
the people and lead to a marked decline of their purchasing power. In the
context of this system, they were poor and could not buy import goods
or other commodities from the Dutch importers based in Java. Although the
government made a profit on the export crops, the fact of continuous weak
purchasing power of the people at large meant that the economic condition
did not really improve and the colonial government was still in the red
(PANGLAYKIM, in: TAN, 1979: 76). In 1847, the present form of Semarang
can clearly be scrutinized with the Bojongscheweg as the main street starting
from the South and leading to the North. The street was built by Daendels
(1808-1811) as part of the great mail road – De groote post weg
– connecting Anyer in the Western part of Java and Panarukan in the
East, for purposes of military defense (as already stated). The opening
of the Bojong Street had a clear impact, inducing a development of Semarang
towards the West. Meanwhile, to the South there was Mataram street. The
two roads were very important in making Semarang the place which would
accumulate crops from the hinterland. They formed the structure of modern
Semarang as a meeting point of the three directions, from the East, from
the West, and from the South. Along these two streets emerged secondary
streets such as Duwet street, connecting Bojongscheweg to the bank of the
Semarang River as mentioned above (fig 5). On the map giving the situation
of 1847, which was drawn in 1923, we can see the old town of Semarang where
the Dutch lived and worked. Looking at this map, we can see that the railway
as well as the East and West Banjir canal had not yet been built. The city
limit to the south was still constituted by the Bergota Hill, which was
part of the mountainous area in the interior of Java. To the East, the
city limit was Mataram street, and on both of its sides was still empty
land. To the West, the city limit
was Poncolscheweg, which was also an empty road. Outside
the city there were rice fields and fish ponds. The city center was still
the Dutch quarter; on the map it was identified as the "stad" or "city."
Hence, different from the physical boundaries mentioned above, the administrative
boundary of Semarang was still the limit of the Dutch quarter: it was the
city of Semarang. The Chinese settlement, the area of the indigenous Javanese
regent, the Kampung Melayu and the Arab quarter at Mataram street, were
all considered villages; they lay outside the city boundary. In view of
such a perception, how could the Dutch enlarge the city towards the south,
in 1916? In 1866 a new canal was built for a new harbour.(6)
It took the flow of Semarang River that was already shallow.6As a new modern
harbour, the Dutchman built a railroad connecting Semarang to the interior
which made the transportation of crops to the harbour so much easier. As
the city had reached the old fortress at sleko, this fortress was replaced
by a new fortress in the west of Semarang. The new fortress was called
Fort Prins van Orange, orange being the colour of the Dutch Kingdom. The
fortress was built in part underground; hence the people of Semarang called
it Benteng Pendem. On the Map of 1866, we can see that there is a Chinese
quarter to the west of Semarang River. The Mataram street area by
that time had been developed and Mataram Street was lined with houses which
were inhibited by the indigenous Javanese. However, the city limit to the
South was still the Semarang River. New streets in the East had come into
being, such as Karreweg (at present Dr Cipto Street) as a tissue that was
parallel to Mataram street. In between the two parallel streets emerged
urban kampongs. There was also Dutch cemetery at this side. The 'estuary'
(or end) of Karreweg was at the road to Gubug in the Southeastern part
of Semarang. To the West, the city was still bordered by Poncolscheweg,
where a new urban kampong emerged gradually. At the street crossing of
Poncolscheweg and Bojongscheweg, the city government built a road to the
south, as the beginning of the road to Candi (in the hilly area). The railway
was built, connecting Semarang to the interior in the South. The railway
station was not in the city center but near the new harbour called Kali
Baru (fig 6). The road to Gubug was still passing through rice fields and
empty land. We can deduce from this map, however, that Semarang was already
a regional city. The city of Semarang was configured along the Semarang
River, which was the first primary element (7)
of the city. Urban development took place along this river; hence the morphology
of the city ran also along the river. The second primary element
was Poncolscheweg, connecting the city center with the villages to the
west of the city. The third primary element was Pengapon street,
connecting the city with villages to the East. The three primary elements
were the embryo of a city development that kept the city sprawling toward
the villages. The modern city of Semarang began with the opening up of
primary elements: Bojongscheweg, the new haven [= harbour]
canal, and the railway. In addition, the establishment of a postal or mail
service created easier communication to Semarang and increase the role
of the city in regional affairs. In the meantime, the Dutch fortress on
the Eastern bank of the Semarang River was not a primary element of the
city. At first, it was a magnet of development especially with respect
to the Dutch settlement. When this fortress was closed and its location
was made available for settlement enlargement while a new fortress (Fort
Prins van Orange) was built at Poncolscheweg, we can see that the fortress
was only a secondary element as a dwelling area.
(7) Primary elements play the decisive
role in the formation and constitution of a town. They are permanent through
the history. Although some of them do not fulfill their propelling function
anymore, it is their form we are still experiencing. See also ROSSI (1975),
p. 61, and also PGC team (1986), p. 8.
The existence of the market dates back to a local market
that was at first serving the inhabitants of the city; following the development
of Semarang as a modern city, the function of the market changed. It became
a regional market located at the bank of the Semarang River. A market is
usually a secondary element; in the context of Semarang, this market became
a primary element as the dynamo of urban economics growth. As a whole,
within a period of slightly less than 2 centuries, Semarang grew only in
a radius of 2 km. Nevertheless, there are still urban kampongs and areas
occupied by squatters (that is to say, the poorest of the poor) which are
in very bad condition. In the period under review, urban kampongs surrounded
the city of Semarang which on the other hand boasted beautiful classical
buildings. The last layer consisted of rice fields to the South, East and
West whereas to the North there were fish ponds (fig 15 a,b,c).
C.The Growth of a Modern City In Semarang, modern facilities such as a hospital, churches
and hotels were built as the city experienced an economic boom beginning
in 1870. New offices were built along Bojongscheweg and large houses were
constructed along Pontjolscheweg. On the other hand, the part inhibited
by the indigenous Javanese population that was surrounding the regent's
palace was not developed and stayed in a state of stagnant sleepiness.
The same thing happened to the Chinese settlement that faced stagnation.
An urban kampong emerged along Mataram Street that gradually became densely
populated. On the map of 1892, we can
see that Semarang had by that time been equipped with a city tram connecting
the city and the suburb.(8) A large railway
line was built at Jurnatan (Street), located in the south of the Dutch
quarter. Hence the availability of transportation from the city of Semarang
to Jomblang in the south and Bulu in the West became a daily fact. The
dwelling area between the Fort named Prince van Orange and the city center
had gradually become densely populated, too. A large urban kampong appeared
in between Bojonghscheweg and Pontjolscheweg. The extension of Mataram
Street that was climbing the hill had been constructed and it attracted
new settlements that grew in the hilly area. This road became an artery
road to the South and it also became the primary element of several cities
and towns in the interior. Meanwhile, along Karreweg that ran parallel
to Mataram Street, the Dutch built their villas. The city government also
built a prison on this street. The artery street connecting Semarang and
Batavia had not been connected to the road to Gubug, but ran at the foot
of the hills to Jomblang (fig 15). At present it is called Sriwijaya Street.
The old urban center where the Dutch built their fortress is now an area
of offices. On the map we can see that Semarang had spread to the South,
leaving the area South of Semarang River as well as the area along Mataram
Street to urban kampongs. Hence the urban center was still a limited area;
it hadn't surpassed the urban center of the previous period. In the area
South of the city there was a small village called Jomblang that was still
separated from Semarang. At present, Jomblang is already incorporated into
Semarang. The city was enlarged with new streets that were followed by
dwelling areas (fig 8). Until 1900, the urban area of Semarang was only
at the kota lama where the buildings jostled against each other. The city
limit was within the radius of 2 km from the city center. The streets outside
the city center were shadowy for there were many trees planted along them.
On the international level, there appeared a chance to improve the economic
condition when the Suez Canal was opened in 1869; this accelerated trading
between Europe and Asia. Due to this new situation, the Colonial government
in 1870 changed its policy by abolishing the Cultuur Stelsel and allowing
private enterprise to invest their capital in agribusiness. The new policy
concerning the
plantations surely effected a large improvement with regard
to the economics of the city. Many new offices were built and new industries
originated. The city center became a new field of various forms of employment.
The houses in the city center now changed, making way for what were (by
the standards of the time) huge offices. Many new artery streets were opened
such as Karre weg (in 1904) in the East, Pieter-Sythoff-Laan (in 1901)
in the South, connecting the southwest end of Bojong (street) and Karangturi
(street) (fig. 7.1) (LIEM, 1933: 184). The opening of Pieter-Sythoff-Laan,
in my opinion, was the most important planning measure contributing to
the present form of Semarang. As a consequence, new settlers from the villages
flooded the city that now grew rapidly (FLIERINGA, 1930: 163; BOGAERS,
in: NAS, 1986: 74). This city growth and the urban problems connected with
it made it apparent that the old governmental system that was centralized
(with Batavia as the center) was no longer able to maintain the city in
reasonably good order. The centralized system was unwieldy and incapable
of solving the problems of housing, infrastructure etc. and failed to provide
adequate forms of management. In response to this problem, in 1903
the Dutch government announced the introduction of a decentralized system.
In this new system, the municipality was allowed to manage its own administration,
civic authority and finances through a city council that was autonomous
and thus liberated from the tight control of the central government in
Batavia (BOGAERS, in: NAS 1986: 74). In 1906,
the decentralized administrative system was introduced in Semarang and
only the natives were to remain under the central government in Batavia
(Inlandsch bestuur, or 'Inland government', government for the 'Natives'),
being represented by the native regent in Semarang. The Dutch, the Chinese
and other foreign inhabitants now were residents placed under the autonomous
authority of the city municipality.(9) The
economic development that took place in the urban area since the abolishment
of the Cultuur Stelsel created an extremely densely populated area. In
the urban kampong surrounding the regent's palace and in Pecinan, the density
reached 1000 persons / ha. At the turn of the century.
because of many diseases such as cholera, tuberculosis, and so on,
the mortality rate of the population was higher than in any country in
Europe. Among the Chinese population in Semarang in 1911, the mortal rate
reached 64.3/ 1000 persons (TILEMA, 1913: 121). At the beginning
of twentieth century, there was a movement in favour of ethical politics
implying that the Dutch who lived in Java should pay a 'gratitude' to the
indigenous Javanese who were poor. In Semarang at that time there was a
movement of Kampong verbetering [town quarter improvement if not slum improvement]
where the environment of the kampong was improved by way of ordering that
WCs, and drainage were to be introduced and housing was to be improved.
Tilema published the details of this kampong verbetering in his book Van
wohnen tot bewohnen. Huis en Erf. Tilema was a pharmacist. He was influenced
by a British program in India that aimed at healthy settlements. From the
middle section of Pieter Sijthoflaan, the city government constructed a
new road connecting it to Duwet Street. This new road at present is called
Gajah Mada Street. New settlements emerged along the road to Batavia and
to Gubug. The railway to Demak had not been built, meanwhile the railway
to Tanggung was lengthened to Surakarta passing several small towns such
as Gundih and Kedung Jati. I conclude that the city center suffered stagnation
wheareas the periphery was developed through the construction of new roads.
Morphologically, new primary elements which became strategic places determined
the city form. This development was the beginning of spatial fragmentation
of Semarang, a fragmentation that is continued until today. As explained
above, the construction of Pieter Sijthoflaan created the golden triangle
of the present Semarang city.
Semarang grew dynamically towards the south along Karreweg and Mataram street with villas and urban kampongs (fig.9). In view of the construction of a railway line to the West and Southeast, I think that trade coming from this direction was more important than that from any other direction. A year later, in 1910 the railway line to Demak was constructed along the Groote Postweg to Surabaya; it occasioned urban development along this railway line (fig 10).(10) The main street and the railway line to Batavia had been used to connect Semarang to other cities in Central and West Java. Though the center of movement was still in the Dutch quarter as the center of the city, the new street Pieter Sijthoflaan potentially changed this dominance as we see today. All development at that time was in answer to the needs of the Dutch business in the city. Hence, in order to protect their interests on the island, the urban development in Semarang was also an outflow of the military development plan of the Dutch. The city planning of Semarang in the colonial era was full of ideas rooted in military development patterns (fig 11). D.The strategy of Development When finally in office, the new municipal authorities
established after decentralization saw the dense area that included Pecinan
as unhealthy and many inhabitants were allowed to move out of Pecinan.
The council wanted to increase the environmental and social quality of
the city, and to build a new healthy housing area separated from the city
as a working place. Since any northward development was facing an unhealthy
swamp, as an alternative solution the municipality agreed to develop the
city towards the hilly area in the South. However, on this area there were
Chinese graveyards that had already been there for centuries. Hence, the
Chinese of course opposed this idea. After some negotiations, the Chinese
were willing to move their ancestor's graves eastward. The new area was
named Niew Tjandi (Candi Baru), for there exited already an Oude Tjandi
(Candi Lama, or Old Candi) (LIEM, 1933: 190). The main road to the envisioned
town extension of Niew Tjandi is from Kalisari to the South through a new
road called Nieuw Tjandi and built in 1914. However, the lack of nearby
inhabited centers with shopping facilities and quick transport were the
main obstacle to urban development. As a strategy to develop the city toward
the south, the municipality held an international exhibition from 20 August
to 22 November 1914, which was called Koloniale Tentoonstelling (colonial
exhibition), at the boulevard. This exhibition got support from private
entrepreneurs who were willing to invest in property speculation. Oei Tiong
Ham, a Chinese entrepreneur, leased part of his land which was located
in the area between the tentoonstelling and the town, to the exhibition
board for just nothing. Hence, a road connecting the tentoonstelling and
the town could be built. This road is Gajah Mada street, as mentioned above.
Thus, this exhibition became a magnet of spatial development between the
city and the rural area to the South, filling a vacant stretch of land
that had been previously neglected by economic activities, increasing its
land value. The area of the tentoonstelling or exhibition that comprised
26 ha was divided into six sections. They were relating to the colonial
government, agriculture, plantation, native industry, foreign industry,
commerce and traffic, respectively. Each of these sections of course was
again subdivided into areas reserved for large groups, each group
consisting of different companies. The exhibition was intended to promoting
machinery products, indigenous industrial handicraft, including a place
for a blacksmith, and a vast area of demonstrative plantation and agricultural
activities. It was like a science park realized at the beginning of the
20th century into which steel construction, electricity, and modern transportation
had been integrated. It was, and is, the largest international Exhibition
Park ever realized in
Indonesia and in every respect looked like any universal exhibition on a comparable scale that was or might have been realized in Europe. The plan to open the exhibition was predicted to be successful and profitable. New hotels and car rentals had been opened a year before the opening days. Suddenly, at the end of July, 1914, the First World War began in Europe, an occurence that unleashed an economic crisis in the whole world. The project, which had been prepared since 1912, got stuck in terrible problems. Many investors who expected to reap a profit from this venture suffered a great lost. During the event itself, the number of visitors was declining day by day, from 23,000 visitors on the first day to 3,500 visitors on the 22 October. Hence, in order to lure more visitors to the exhibition, the entrance fee was cut by half. However, this measure did not lead to an increase in the number of visitors. Soon after the exhibition was ended, all buildings were dismantled without leaving a trace. No one visiting the site could tell any more that a large exhibition had been held in this area. Not even any single footpath can still be traced today. In contrast to the practice in many a European city where an exhibition building becomes permanent and identifies the place as a landmark, the Koloniale Tentoonstelling was gone, as if it was a mirrage or minor occurence at the periphery of history, a temporary event that has been forgotten by the city dwellers. The boulevard Pieter Sytthof Laan, where this exhibition took place, is now a crowded street with offices and hotels. The middle ground of the exhibition has been converted to housing and schools. The train lines and tram lines of the exhibition period were buried. The place for demonstrative sugar and rice fields has been used for governmental buildings. However, the setting of the Koloniale Tentoonstelling is still sound and valid as a portrait of the present urban condition where actually the periphery as a border is vague, as vague as the urban center itself. It means that Semarang's urban form has been growing intolerably, sprawling everywhere, creating fragments of new centers, and letting the old one decline. It means that the exhibition was a true magnet of urban development in the southern periphery of the city. The tentonstelling is a true demonstration of political thinking on urban development, we could learn from it for our era. E. The Ideal Plan After the Koloniale Tentoonstelling was closed in 1914,
there was a strong tendency of development to the South. The land value
was increasing as there was already an infrastructure that had been built
in this area. Hence, the municipality started to plan a housing area at
this side. Nevertheless, they could not make a final decision until Thomas
Karsten, the advisor for city planning, in 1916 gave an approved proposal
and it was implemented by the municipality in 1917 (FLIERINGA, 1930: 165).
In his concept, Thomas Karsten said that the concept of (socio-)economic
class is more important in dividing the new settlement in Candi Baru. The
old concept of racial separation that divided an urban zone into Dutch,
Chinese, and indigenous Javanese settlements was left behind; as a substitute
the settlement area is now divided into plots the size of the houses that
are to be marketed, and it is the site of the plot that finally affects
the price. In Candi Baru, Karsten envisioned the largest houses along the
main street. The smaller houses were located behind the main street. The
smallest houses for the lowest income group were built along the narrow
alleys inside the terrain (or interior of the block). As the plan for the
housing area was based on economic classes instead of ethnic segregation
(BOGAERS, in: NAS 1986: 79), in practice the three ethnic groups were also
divided into three economics classes. Obviously, the Dutch and a few rich
Chinese were seen as future occupants of the highest category of housing
destined for the economically most potent, therefore highest social class.
The bulk of the Chinese were to be the majority in the middle-class category
of houses (and sites), and the majority of the natives were in the lowest
category, destined for the lowest socio-economic class. Consequently, the
rich who could pay more, live in higher places with a better views, larger
plots and better
houses than the lower-income people.(11)
Rich Dutch and Chinese persons bought almost all houses in this new housing
area.(12) They lived in Niew Tjandi
but worked downtown. The layout of streets and roads in Nieuw Tjandi was
adapted to the topological contour. The housing area is composed of main
streets, secondary streets, and steepers. Squares created an attractive
view everywhere. The luxurious houses on large plots were along the main
road with a good view of the town and the sea. On the terrain, behind the
villas there was lower cost housing on smaller plots. Some of the houses
were lower than the street level and they were reached through steepers
(fig. 7.2). In 1922, the municipality had
developed the area from Semarang river to the south up into the hilly area.(13)
Oei Tiong Ham, the Chinese entrepreneur who had the right to manage plantations,
opened up a road from the middle of Pieter Sijthoflaan to the hilly area;
this road was called Oei Tiong Ham Weg. Places like Candi Baru, Erlangga,
Seroja, and Karang Wulan had been developed using a grid pattern (fig 11).
The grid pattern of streets was not new for Semarang as the Old Dutch quarter
and the Chinese settlement were also built on grid pattern. The harbor
of Semarang was enlarged to the East, wiping out the fish pond(s). The
railway line had already been lengthened to Batavia. The Semarang river
that beforehand was a primary element, now was used as a city drainage.
The city grew in view of its economic upswing. All roads were built on
account of economic reasons; what counted was the revenue, and the profit.
Semarang, so far, had been enlarged to a size twice as large as it had
assumed in its previous form. The city limit was removed to the South,
now including the new housing area at Candi Baru. Apart from the primary
element (of the river) that had been changed into secondary element, there
emerged new primary elements constituting the new urban form. It was an
urban form that had been fragmented into several quarters., On the
map
of 1922, I think there is an indication of a new plan to unite the
fragmented spaces into a compact city, ranging from the low land to the
hilly area. The state of the city in 1922 is the embryo of a metropolis
where multi-ethnic groups lived and traded in the city. What was planned
was a coherence of a metropolis incorporating smaller towns such as Jomblang,
Bulu, Kabluk, and Jatingaleh in the hilly area. Within the next fifteen
years, many parts of what was planned had not yet been realized. Up to
this year, only some housing at Candi Baru located in the hilly area was
built. In 1937, the military whose headquarter
was in Semarang planned an air strip for military defense.(14)
This
air strip was located to the West of the city, surrounded by the villages
of Kalibanteng Lor, Krapyak, and Kali Banteng Kidul. As a result of the
city enlargement, there emerged new city centers at the periphery (fig
12). However, the space between the (old) center and new centers had not
been developed very well. It was then that the dichotomy between urban
and village areas appeared (fig 15).
Since 1919, there had been
two other expansion plans, both for East Semarang (BOGAERS, in: NAS, 1986:
82). In 1923, the government extended this
housing area in East Semarang that was then occupied by middle-class Chinese
because the need for housing increased very sharply (LIEM, 1933: 261).
In this area, which was on a flat ground, the layout was a grid with large
plots along the main street Karreweg. The low-cost housing areas, which
were divided into main and secondary streets and arranged with squares
and boulevard, lay behind this main street. These houses were double and
single houses. The area studded with them was built up from Halmahera
way up to the North. The larger houses at Sompok were almost completely
taken over by the Chinese. This development of course reduced the density
in Pecinan (fig. 7.3). In 1929 when the need
for inexpensive houses increased, the municipality opened up a new
low-cost housing area in Mlaten.The Chinese who moved there immediately
opened shops (fig. 7.4) (FLIERINGA, 1930: 145). The area of less expensive
houses was divided into several classes, ranging from 17 to 74 m²
of covered surface, with plots ranging from 80 - 100 to 275 - 400 m²
(FLIERINGA, 1930: 184). This housing program was continued until
just before the Second World War. The opening up of Niew Tjandi
as a settlement area was followed by the opening up of the surrounding
area for urban kampongs like Ngaglik, Kintelan and Lempongsari.
F. The Flood and the Canal For a long time the city of Semarang regularly suffered
from floods during the rainy season. The Semarang River was the primary
element where a way of daily life dependent on transport by boat was anchored,
and it always brought the floods into the city center. In order to control
the floods, the Dutch built a canal called Banjir canal Barat. The canal
is branching off from the upper course of the Semarang river that soon
could not be sailed any more and lost its function as a primary element
of the city. Right after its construction, Banjir kanal Barat became the
city limit in the West. Along the canal there are still rice fields. The
decreasing volume of water in the Semarang River did not affect the function
of the harbor along Kali Baru as a harbour (or 'haven') canal. The harbour
was enlarged at the coast line and a railway station was built, connecting
the harbour and the interior of the island. Due to the lack of drainage,
in 1936 the Semarang municipality obtained financial support from the Netherlands
– there are, however, no records pertaining to the sum made available,
but it was part of the f 25 million in total support for the whole colony
(I.B.T. Locale Techniek, 1936: 117 – 119). With this financial support,
the municipality wanted to continue the city drainage program that had
been halted because of financial difficulties. So far, the drainage did
not work, especially in the rainy season when the canals overflowed, bringing
about an outbreak of disease in the aftermath. The two city canals, Banjirkanal
East and West, could not overcome this problem. They only reduced the inflow
of water from the Garang River in the Southwest and from smaller rivers
in the Southeast. On the other hand, the run off from the hilly area overflowed
the lower part of the city and could not be drained well. Therefore, the
government planned to build smaller canals at the foot of the hill. They
were the Siranda canal connecting the two Banjirkanals, and the Kampungkali
canal which was to lead from just South of Chinatown to the East and then
would turn North where it was called Banger River at the time. The predicted
cost of building these canals was f 170.000 (I.B.T. Locale Techniek 1936:
119). A year later the canal in Siranda was built and it cost f 260.000
(I.B.T. Locale Techniek, 1937: 73). Half the cost was shouldered by the
central government in Batavia - the old name of Jakarta. The canal resulting
from his expensive project, like other canals built in the colonial era,
is at present in disrepair and does not work well because people threw
refuse from their households into it. There are no records relating to
the cost of Kampung Kali canal.
After the construction of the two canals, the canals in Semarang could be divided into four sections. In the western part of the city, running from North to South, there was the Banjirkanal West. In the middle section, running from North to South, there was the Semarang River. In the East, there were the Banger River and the Banjirkanal East, running from South to North. Meanwhile, in East- Westerly direction, there were the Siranada canal and Kampungkali canal. Between these main canals, there ran smaller canals as connecting elements. G.The implementation of the plan When the Japanese invaded the island and assumed control
of Semarang in 1942, the governmental system based on different ethnic
groups was abolished. Instead, the Japanese military government directly
controlled all ethnic groups in the city, and the native regent, who was
confirmed in this position by the Japanese, supervised the area outside
the city (DJAWATAN Penerangan Kota Besar Semarang, 1953: 35). The only
map drawn during the Japanese occupation was a map presented again by the
Allied Forces in 1946. This map was a reproduction of a map already published
in 1943 (fig 14).(15)
Before the fall of the Netherland Indie government and the transfer of
authority into the hands of the Japanese, a new housing area at Karang
Wulan had been realized completely with a sports center area. The East-side
of Semarang had also seen a new development, the production of a
housing estate. The area both left and right of Pieter Sijthoflaan was
still empty. A plan had been set up with respect to this area but it was
realised only after independence day. From
Oei Tiong Ham weg to Siranda there were many houses occupying the plots
on both sides of the street. The houses were large like villas. They belonged
to rich Dutch and Chinese inhabitants. The villages in the suburban area,
such as Jomblang that was annexed to Semarang, gradually became a densely
populated area with a bigger market. Jomblang, Bulu, Jatingaleh, and Genuk
became the satelites of Semarang. It was the beginning of a gigantic city.
Almost all city planning in the map had been implemented, though with several
changes, such as the square Simpang Lima. In
1943,
Semarang had already become the capital of Central Java Province, hence
the shadow of a large metropolis appeared from its development inclination.
In such a city, the transition from empty land to housing area was very
common.This transition was actually a revolution seen from the spatial
point of view, implying a sudden change in the urban design. Primary elements
were becoming secondary in the satelite towns. This became the dynamo of
urban growth in the outlying areas. At the same time, in the city center
land-use transformation went on organically from empty land to urban kampongs
that were unpleasant. The city limit, however, was the Banjir Kanal Timur
and Banjir Kanal Barat. The relevant phenomena we observe show the rise
of an urban morphology that tended towards the domination of streets as
primary elements, surrounded by an empty area. Along these streets, new
dwellings or shop houses were built; the areas opened
up being the only other alternative to live in Semarang proper, apart from
the old urban center. Such streets became the dynamo of urban kampongs
filling the area behind the shop houses (fig 12). The present form of Semarang
can already be discovered on a map dating back to the time shortly
before the Second World War. The municipality had drawn up a plan for the
area to the North and South of Pieter Sijthoflaan with its rice fields
and swamp. However, the Dutch government never realized it until they had
to leave the country (fig 18). This entire plan was never linked to the
old city; when it tried to open up a new area for a new city, it did so
without any effort to preserve the old city. The Southern part of the city,
which was newly developed, and the Northern part of the city were bordered
by
the Semarang River. North of the Semarang river was the old city and South of Semarang river, reaching the hilly area, was a new urban area that was designed in modern form. Within 20 years, after Independence Day, Semarang became a big city swallowing many villages in the surrounding area. The Dutch inhabitants leaving the country (and thus, Semarang as well) were replaced by the villagers streaming into the city. In other words, a tremendous urbanization affected the city. In the 1940’s, the population of Semarang was 400,000 inhabitants and in 1965 it had increased by 150% or to 600,000 inhabitants. However, perhaps as a consequence of the political uncertainty, the development of the city at first followed no plan and had no direction. Then, suddenly, Soekarno, the first president of Indonesia, implemented the pre-war plan. He asked the municipality to build, at the end of Oei Tiong Ham weg, a square for one million visitors that were to hear his speech.(16) The area, which was formerly a large swamp taking up the run-off from Niew Tjandi, was filled by an effort of mutual co-operation of the inhabitants. The square was officially opened in 1969 by the governor of Central Java, functioning as the substitute for the Alun-alun that would become a market extension (SUARA MERDEKA, Nov. 21, 1986). Around the new square, which is called Simpang Lima (a cross of five streets), the municipality planned to build a civic center. Gradually the new square was called Simpang Lima (the node of five cross-streets) and it became a strategic place for investment. Two cinemas and two shopping centers were soon built by Chinese investors. The area surrounding the square was developed for housing and a State University. At present, Simpang lima is the most attractive place in the city where luxurious shopping centers, offices and hotels are located (fig 3.16). The housing program initiated after Independence Day in principle followed in the tracks of Dutch Volkhuisvesting by continuing to build new houses with a covered surface of 53.5 m² in the same area at East Semarang. In view of the fact that only the Chinese could buy such houses, the municipality then decided to build smaller houses of 40 m² for lower-income people (DJAWATAN Penerangan Kota Besar Semarang, 1953: 125). These houses were built to the South of the Semarang river at Brumbungan. However, later on, there were also middle-class Chinese who would acquire these houses; they lived side by side with the natives.The golden triangle of the city soon emerged as a bussiness area bordered by Mataram Street, Bojongscheweg, and Pieter Sijthof Laan. The city limit was expanded eastward, reaching the slaughterhouse at Kabluk, and in the West, reaching Kali Banteng. H.The Unplanned City: Semarang in the Post-1970 period The rise of the 'new order' changed the concept of city
planning as social planning to economic planning in the region of Semarang.
In the 'new order,' it was not important whether the urban space had a
certain quality in order to give an optimal measure of comfort and communication
to city dwellers but how a location could become a strategic site destined
to be sold and bring a profit. Five years after the establishment of the
'Soeharto order' in 1965, there still had
been no development that could be detected. However, after ten years, we
could see that there were many changes happening in Semarang as a result
of the economic development supported by loans from the West. Along with
that, new housing areas were constructed. The city master plan drawn up
in 1975 in order to direct the development
of the city in the next 25 years, has been devised in the context of a
proposal that emphasised the development of trading centers. Such centers
were to be encouraged throughout the entire Central Java Province and they
would also be necessary outside Java. Since that time, the city was above
all a field of investment. In the mid-1970's, there were three large real
estates ventures that built new housing estates in the coastal area
(that was actually a swamp which used to absorb the flood),
and also in the hilly area South of the city. The first was PT. Tanah Mas
that built a housing estate at a cost of two and a half billion Rupiah
in the area of the former swamp. As a consequence, the water catchment
area of the city was reduced significantly. The second was PT Bukit sari
which invested six hundred million Rupiah in a development on Gombel Hill.
A side-effect was that the run-off from the hilly area flooded the low-lying
parts of the city. The third was PT. Kamajaya which built a one billion
Rupiah housing estate to the West of Semarang (Hanapi, in: Suara Merdeka,
19 Desember 1975). By
1976
the city had grown from 100 sq. km with 712,000 inhabitants to 340 sq.
km with 1 million inhabitants; it extended to Gunung Pati in the West,
Banyumanik in the South and Pedurungan in the East. It was the second largest
city in Indonesia, topped only by the capital, Jakarta (fig. 7.9).(17)
Parallel to the continued development on the hilly area, Simpang Lima became
a strategic area for investment. It became a district business center and
the most expensive zone in the city even though neglected by the master
plan in 1975. Urban extension triggered a fast housing-estate development
at the periphery that was fragmented further to the West, to the South
and to the East. Some private real estates ventures even built new settlements
at the Southern periphery, extending up into the hill of Ungaran, although
according to the master plan this hill should have been preserved as part
of a green belt of Semarang. The problem with many
lucrative developments was that expensive real estate was enclosed by walls
and had only one gate guarded by security personnel while, surrounding
this luxurious space, there usually was a slum area, with people who were
almost forgotten by the wheel of modernization. Of course, in view
of this kind of design there is no integration between the rich people
in a modern real estate development who are mostly Chinese, and the poor
who are natives. Seeing this gap, no wonder that the Chinese were always
thought of as the 'Others,' the target of many a riot. Modernization
keeps the glowing coals alive, which can ruin the country. The city enlargement
sketched above has had two main impacts on the old urban area. On the one
hand, most of the main streets in the city are strategic locations for
business and this especially in the central part of the city that has gradually
changed from a residential area to a business area. Although many Chinese
live outside old Pecinan, they still work in Pecinan and the area is still
an important trading-center. On the other hand, the dark side of the recent
economic boom is apparent in the form of illegal squatters located behind
the shops; the squatters even create slum areas along the city canal
and in the area including the Semarang river. Besides that, the area of
the old Dutch quarters is declining. The buildings are empty and no investors
are interested, nor is anybody willing to establish offices in the area.
This historic area is now very quiet at night, but some parts of it have
become a prostitution area, including the
area near the railway station, and most of the buildings have deteriorated.
People have tried to revitalize it but only the place near the regional
market, which is economically vital, shows signs of still being alive.
The urban center has been fragmented into luxurious commercial buildings,
empty houses and slums. All of this has contributed to a segmentation in
the urban center that ended up being a social problem, along with the worsening
environmental quality. Flood and water intrusion from the sea are daily
problems. The urban renewal project that aroused criticism on the national
level was the normalisation of Semarang river. The project was to overcome
floods, which were an old environmental disaster in the lowlands of the
city. Since the 1980's this kind of disaster has become an acute problem
along with the city development. To reduce it, the municipality widened
the Semarang river and built inspection roads on both sides (fig. 7.10).
This project required
hundreds of houses to be demolished including many in the Pecinan area. The cut houses that formerly backed the river are now facing the inspection road. In Petudungan (Street) there were 22 Chinese houses which were completely demolished and 11 were cut. Three of these eleven houses are now a mere 3-4 m in length. In Gang Warung there were 24 Chinese shop-houses which backed the river. From this number, nineteen should have been demolished according to the plan. At Kalikoping Street, at least ten houses were cut. After a long negotiation, the houses along Gang Warung were not totally demolished but cut several meters. Although after normalisation of the Semarang river, which was backed by houses and surrounded by slum areas, the river has been flanked by a secondary street that increased environmental quality and led to higher land values, it is apparent that urban renewal in Pecinan has been done without a clear concept and indeed it has destroyed the link with the past (fig. 7.11).(18) I. Closing Remarks City planning is social intervention through spatial organization,
in which every single land use plan will affect the urban life and communication
of the inhabitants while provoking movement. The city planning of Semarang
in the period of 1900 – 1942 showed a certain tendency (if not in fact
implying a great effort) to take into account the rights of the lower class
within the urban setting. The housing of Candibaru which was divided into
areas targeted at different socio-economic classes instead of producing
ethnic segregation, the design of rental housing that supplied communal
spaces and communal public toilets and baths, showed that Thomas Karsten
as responsible the architect paid strong attention to the lower income
class. Tilema’s writings that defend the right of the indigenous population
to obtain a better space in the city prove that at that time there was
an effort among some Dutch thinkers to bring a certain measure of welfare
to the poor. However, the city planning of Semarang was still tainted by
a large gap between the rich and the poor that showed in the spatial configuration.
This gap could not be closed even after independence day when the Dutch
as the 'superiors' had left the country. Even after authority was placed
into the hands of Indonesians, the poor have had no chance to become an
actor in the city planning process. City planning as future land-use configuration
is a game of dealing with several actors negotiating their stakes in the
city according to their interest. Such a game revolving around land use
can be seen in the recent case of Jakarta. Here, the Jakarta Planning Board
'socialized' the planning process of a new master plan for the city in
2001. In the wake of democracy, the board invited all layers of society
from enterpreneurs, lecturers, to the poor people who make a living in
the informal sector. In the meeting, the
board openly asked for inputs for the new master plan;
the result was that every one preferred to express his or her own particular
interests. The meeting that lasted five hours did not lead to any decision.
If it comes to questions of city planning, every actor in the urban society
negotiates as an individual on his own behalf, potentially opposing rather
than respecting the needs of others. Hence, city planning without a social
concept will not answer the social problems of the city. Solving the social
problems and bringing welfare is the main purpose of city planning.
Bibliography Bemmelen R.W.van (1952), De Geologische Geschiedenis van Indonesie, den Haag; Van Stockum. Booklet (1914), The Colonial and International Exhibition at Semarang 13 August – 13 November 1914. Flieringa, G. (1931) De Zorg voor volkhuisvesting in de stadgemeenten in Nederlandsch Oost Indie in Het Bijzonder in Semarang, Martinus Nijhof, ‘s Gravenhage. Hanapi (1975), Tanah Mas Dibawah, Bukit Sari Diatas, Suara Merdeka 19 Desember Idenburg, Z.E.A.W.F. and H.J. Lovink (1914), Algemeene Koloniale Tentoonstelling te Semarang Augustus – November 1914, Mededeelingen No 2, Secretariaat der Tentoonstelling. I.B.T. Locale Techniek (1936), De Afwatering Van Semarang, September LIEM, Thiam Joe (1933), Riwayat Semarang (The history of Semarang), Boekhandel Ho Kim Yoe, Semarang-Batavia. PANGLAYKIM, J. and PALMER I (1979), "Studi Mengenai Kewiraswastaan di Negara-Negara Sedang Berkembang: Kisah SebuahPerusahaan Tionghoa di Indonesia" (Study of Entrepreneurialship in Developing Countries:The Development of One Chinese Concern in Indonersia), in: TAN (1979), pp 74 - 93. Pont, H. Maclaine (1919 – 1920), De Koloniale Tentoonstelling Semarang 1914, in: Nederland Indie Oud en Nieuw. SUARA MERDEKA (1987a), "Normalisasi Kali Semarang, Ratusan
Rumah Di Kapuran-Tugu Muda Dibongkar" (Semarang River Normalisation, Hundreds
of Houses at Kapuran-Tugu Muda were Demolished), in: Suara Merdeka, 6 January.
SUARA MERDEKA (1987b), "Normalisasi Kali Semarang, Bangunan di Tepi Sungai Yang Belum Dibongkar Akan Diderek" (Semarang River Normalisation, Buildings along the River that Have not been Demolished will be Destroyed), in: Suara Merdeka, 25 September. SUARA MERDEKA (1987c), "Benghu Menerjang Ribuan Bangunan" (Benghu Demolished Thousands of Buildings), in: Suara Merdeka, 15 November. SUARA MERDEKA (1988), "Walikota: Menyempitnya Areal Rawa Salah Satu Penyebab Banjir Semarang" (The Mayor: The Narrowing Swamp is One of the Reasons of Flood in Semarang), in: Suara Merdeka, 24 February. SUARA MERDEKA (1991a), "Peringatan Hari Jadi ke 444 Kota Semarang, Walikota Canangkan Penataan Lingkungan Kumuh" (444 years Aniversary of Semarang, The Major annouced planning for Slum Area), in: Suara Merdeka, 3 May. SUARA MERDEKA (1991b), "HUT VIII Kota Ungaran, Warga Dambakan Wilayahnya Raih Adipura" (The 8thAniversary of Ungaran, Inhabitants Hope Their Town Wins the Adipura Award), in: Suara Merdeka, 20 December. Soebijanto (1986), Dongeng tentang Simpang Lima, in: Suara Merdeka, 21 November 1986 Tillema, H.F, Van Wonen en Bewonen, Huis en Erf, Tjandi Semarang. 1913 Valentijn Domine, 1724-1726 Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien Van Heel, M.G., Gedenkboek van de Koloniale Tentoonstelling Semarang 20 Augustus – 22 November 1914, NAAM, VENN, Handelsdrukkerij en Kantoorboekhandel, Mercurius, Batavia. 1914 WILLMOTT, Donald Earl, The Chinese of Semarang: A Changing
Minority Community in Indonesia, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New
York, 1960.
This article was originally presented as a conference
paper. It was published in pdf.format under the URL-address
|